On January 24th 2011, a suicide bomber killed 35 people in a blatant act of terrorism at Russia’s busiest international terminal – Moscow’s Domodedovo airport. The attack, which U.S. President Barack Obama called “an outrageous act of terrorism”, not only injured 150 people and killed eight foreigners, but also pushed the Chechnya conflict back into the media spotlight.
Even though the unstable situation in Chechnya had “normalized” in March 2009 – according to the Russian government – with troops finally pulling out of the region, after years of occupation without any active military operations; the Chechen separatist movement has not been quelled.
In the mountainous region of South Western Russia, this little reported conflict continues to play out after over two centuries of Chechens fighting for independence. The Republic of Chechnya, located in the northern Caucuses Mountains of south eastern Europe, is one of the 83 federal subjects of Russia, and has been seeking independence since the days of the Caucasian war in the 18th century – when the Russian Empire first invaded the region.
Chechnya’s battle for independence has only ever achieved brief success, before the region was ultimately re-absorbed by Russia. The first period of sovereignty began in 1917, when, during the turmoil of the Russian revolution, Chechnya asserted its independence. This period lasted a mere five years, with Chechnya ultimately under Russian control again by 1922.
The next opportunity did not arise until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, more than half a century later. The Chechen General and later elected president, Dzhokhar Dudayev declared the state’s independence; however, Russia refused to acknowledge this, and responded by sending troops into the region. The ensuing tension gave way to the first Chechen war in 1994, which ended in 1996 with the ill-equipped Chechens winning de facto independence – the war is estimated to have cost around 80,000 lives, primarily those of Chechen civilians.
Despite their humiliating defeat, Russia still did not recognize Chechnya’s independence. A new peace agreement gave Chechnya a substantial increase in autonomy, but Chechnya remained under Russian control.
In the aftermath of the war, feuding warlords ruled Chechnya – the central government failed and the region fell into chaos. The country remained like this until the second Chechen war broke out.
During the intervening years, the conditions in Chechnya were desolate. With a collapsed economy, completely destroyed capital city, unchecked militant groups, rampant unemployment and a lack of basic necessities, people were easily radicalized. The atrocities of the war were still fresh, and despite the peace agreement, the lack of compensation for the heavy losses during the war pushed many over the edge.
In 1999, radicalized Chechen insurgents – unsupported by the central Chechen government – entered neighbouring Dagestan, to aid Islamic Fundamental Separatists defect and form a new nation. At the same time a series of bombings occurred in Moscow and other cities in Russia, killing hundreds. Though Chechen’s involvement in these attacks was never proven, this incident was used to validate not only the re-occupation of Chechnya by Russian troops, but also the random interrogations of any ethnic Chechens or anyone who appeared to be from the Caucasus, in Russia.
The second Chechen war crippled the already failing country and once again Chechnya was plunged into another bloody conflict that persisted long after the Russians officially declared victory in 2000. As part of President Vladimir Putin’s campaign promise to extinguish the Chechen separatist movement (a promise that spurred him to election), a ‘pacification’ of the region began. This pacification, which had been designed to crush the rebel movement, all too often targeted civilians instead.
There is evidence that during this time, there were continual and systematic, racially fuelled abuses committed by Russian forces against civilians. Racial tensions between the two groups had been strained in the wake of the bombings in Russia, and years of inequality. Unfortunately, Chechen civilians were not even spared by their fellow countrymen, as Rebels became large contributors to the bloodshed.
At the time, Human rights groups were vocal about the atrocities – heavily criticizing the Russian government for its ruthless tactics and complete lack of accountability. The United Nations issued a call for investigations into human rights violations made by both groups. Though President Putin agreed to the investigation, no action was taken.
Access into Chechnya was restricted, and news coverage was censored. Foreign media was not permitted entry to the region, unless accompanied by Russian forces and even then, journalists were only granted limited access. Coverage that was aired in Russia was censored, and published news was deeply biased – often demonizing the Chechens. But despite the gag order, there was a global uproar over the barbaric acts and inhumane treatment. Chechnya was put on genocide watch lists and disturbing photos of mass graves and gunned down civilians emerged from the country.
But the most damaging event for Chechnya was the seemingly unrelated September 11th attacks against the USA. The global community was forever changed by 9/11 and the subsequent War on Terror. Post 9/11 foreign policy around the world was directed by fear, as countries turned to the task of opposing and eliminating terrorism.
The United States’ position of “you’re either with us or against us” eliminated any sympathy for radicalized movements, and resulted with many nations trying to disassociate themselves from controversial conflicts.
When Russia named Chechnya as part of the global terrorism network and called it ‘a breeding ground for terror’, their formerly questionable and violent tactics were vindicated.
With its radical militant groups, the branding of Chechen separatists as a part of the global terror network essentially doomed the struggling nation. Western criticism of the conflict and Russia were all but silenced. With the ramped anti-Islam sentiments due to the 9/11 attacks, Chechnya’s large Sunni Muslim population was easily demonized.
Chechnya began only to appear in the news in relation to terrorism. The country’s image changed from a suppressed war torn nation to that of a breeding ground for extremists, filled only with terrorists. Any action mad by Chechen rebels or separatists always overshadowed retaliation by the Russian forces in Chechnya.
Due to the combination of lack of criticism on the conflict, from independent agencies and foreign governments, and the disallowing of Journalists entering the conflict zone (the whole of Chechnya), the image of Chechnya is now almost completely controlled by Russia. Now, the label of terrorist does not only apply to Chechen rebels: a whole country and ethnic population has been condemned as terrorists.
The drastic change in the response to the Chechnya conflict post 9/11 is no coincidence, it is a reflection of the lack of accountability concerning human rights among governments when combating ‘terrorism’ becomes a priority.
In this case, it is the civilians who are the victims. An entire generation has known nothing but war, and Grozny (the capital city), along with much of the country still remains in ruins after thirty years.
During the height of the conflict it was estimated that a third, to half of Chechnya’s 1.3 million population, fled to neighbouring countries – living in refugee camps for years. An estimated 240,000 fled to the neighbouring republic of Ingushetia alone. As of 2008, there are approximately 139,000 Chechens displaced throughout the Russian Federation. With the still volatile situation in their homeland many refugees dare not return yet, despite having nowhere else to go. Chechen refugees in Russia, often face discrimination and violence; employment is nearly impossible and harassment a given.
Chechens have survived years of conflict and discrimination: their mass deportation under Stalin during WWII, where the whole Chechen population was expelled to central Asia and Siberia in 1944 is estimated to have cost over 100,000 lives of the some 400,000 to 800,000 deportees, due to extreme conditions. Those deported in World War II were unable to return home until the death of Stalin in 1956. All that is wanted by the majority of citizens is to live in their homeland, in peace.
There are always two sides of a conflict, and the rebelling radical Chechens are not guiltless. In 2002 a hostage taking staged by rebels in a Moscow theatre resulted in the deaths of over 100 hostages. In 2003 there were 11 bombings in Russia believed to have been orchestrated by Chechen radicals. In 2004 two planes crashed almost simultaneously killing 90 people, just days before the Russian presidential elections. Later that year rebels comprised of Chechens, Ingush and ethnic militant groups, seized a school in Beslan, holding 1,100 children, teachers and parents hostage for two days. The Chechen rebel leader Shamil Basayev is believed to be behind the hostage taking, which killed 335 hostages, 156 of whom were children.
With all the trouble that Chechnya has caused, and its people’s relentless attempts for independence, the obvious answer to the problem would be granting them succession, but Chechnya is rich in natural resources. The important oil pipelines connecting the landlocked Caspian Sea to the Black Sea – which allows for the shipping of oil – run through Chechnya. Control over this area is vital to the Russian oil industry and translates into big profits. There are also the rich crude oil deposits in the region; the capital city Grozny is the site for one of Russia’s largest oil refineries.
For Chechnya, the guilt of a few has condemned a nation, and allowed for atrocities to be committed against innocents with no questions asked. The fear of terrorism has become an excuse for the degradation of human rights in the country, and, until views of Chechen separatists are changed and re-explored, Chechens and Chechnya will continue to appear in the media only as terrorists.
